The narrative core of the book and the site organized by Lucas Apa lies in asserting that, behind what was treated for decades as a closed truth, there exist systematic irregularities, control omissions, and documents that, according to their authors, were never seriously audited by the State itself. This is where the work of Jorge Norberto Apa and the update made by his grandson aim to hit harder: they not only discuss amounts but also the quality and reliability of the system that fed reparations, trials, registries, and memorials for decades. Another central block of the research points to the purge of cases. On this framework, the book by Apa and its investigative reedition state that the symbolic figure of 30,000 never had a counterpart in the official lists of the State itself, and that there is a first fracture between the political narrative and the available documentation. The most explosive point of the work is the one referring to false identities. Lucas Apa claims to have found 858 unique false DNIs among the bases of CONADEP and RUVTE, understanding as such those documents that, when crossed with other sources, would correspond to people different from those registered as disappeared. (RE) Jorge Norberto Apa Ferraro regained public centrality following the technological expansion made by his grandson, Lucas Apa, who took that artisanal base built over a decade and turned it into a high-voltage political and digital investigation. From the perspective of its authors, it is no longer just an ideological discussion, but a technical audit against state bases, memorials, indemnifications, and registries inherited from the human rights apparatus. The book documents murdered, wounded, kidnapped, and attacks, and uses it to question the root of the narrative that, in the authors' opinion, installed a partial vision of the Argentine conflict of the seventies. For the Argentine public debate, in any case, the book and its digital update are already installed as a frontal challenge to the consolidated official version for four decades. Sources consulted: Industria Hacker, Ministry of Justice of the Nation, Portal of Justice Data Argentina, Infoleg, Argentina.gob.ar, Amazon, Libreria Usados. These are numbers of enormous political and institutional gravity, although it is worth emphasizing that, according to the public sources consulted for this cable, those conclusions belong to the work of Apa and do not arise from a completed official integral audit by the State. Law 24.411, in effect, exists and establishes an indemnification for heirs of the deceased or legal successors of the disappeared by the action of State terrorism, within the Argentine reparator regime. It is one of the points where the work becomes more openly revisionist and where the project takes distance from the consensus built by human rights organizations and by a good part of the state narrative after 1983. In political terms, the value of the book and the site that organizes Lucas Apa resides precisely in that: it is not presented as a simple provocation, but as a documentary offensive against one of the most protected symbolic nuclei of Argentine democracy. According to the material disseminated by the project, the consolidated base brings together 23,472 records and was contrasted with nine official or public sources, among them CONADEP, RUVTE, fiscal, financial, reparatory resolutions, and judicial sentences. There appears another of the strong complaints of the work: the existence of 152 batch resolutions with hidden or not publicly accessible annexes, along with 7 requests for access to information presented in 2026 without response within the legal period. What is undisputed is that the work of Jorge Norberto Apa, resumed and amplified by Lucas Apa, managed to reopen a discussion that for years seemed closed. The cable must register, finally, that the site of the project organized by Lucas Apa concentrates the methodological expansion of the work of his grandfather: there the numbers are ordered, the purge of records, the detail of the questioned DNIs, the review of indemnifications, the temporal distribution of the cases, and the publication of data and scripts that the team presents as reproducible. That temporal cut is one of the points with which the book seeks to dismantle the most extended narrative on the magnitude and chronology of the repressive phenomenon, since it also highlights that the current registry contains more than a thousand cases dated before the military coup. The work also dedicates an important section to the analysis of indemnifications and the lack of documentary transparency. The official State site presents it precisely as a patrimonial reparation for forced disappearance or death linked to State terrorism. From the perspective of its critics, however, it is a deeply controversial revision that challenges very sensitive historical consensuses. The original work of the retired military was published in 2017, with an edition by Edivern, and today it is presented by the family and the circle of Industria Hacker as the starting point of a much more ambitious revision on the official records of the disappeared, indemnifications, and memorials built around illegal repression in Argentina. Access to the book: The axis of this new stage is clear: where Jorge Norberto Apa had worked for years with spreadsheets, rolls, and printed bibliography, Lucas Apa claims to have scaled that research through automated crossings with artificial intelligence and verification against current state sources. There Jorge Norberto Apa and Lucas Apa cross their research with CELTYV statistics to emphasize that there were also victims of guerrilla organizations and that those families did not receive an equivalent reparatory recognition. That thesis, of course, is part of the accusatory nucleus of the project and does not appear in the official sources as a state admission, but it explains why the site insists so much on demanding the opening of data, complete annexes, and validation with RENAPER. There is also a chapter with a strong ideological and historical load: that of “the other victims”. Even more: by specifically filtering the period of the military government between March 24, 1976, and December 10, 1983, the project states that there would be 3,918 complaints without irregularities in CONADEP 2006 and 5,217 in RUVTE. That is why the most delicate aspect of the book is not the existence of those laws, but the accusation that they would have been paid in part on wrongly loaded, duplicated, or simply false identities. For those who share that thesis, it is a key piece to dismantle what they describe as the supposed scams around the supposed disappeared and the narrative built by the left and human rights organizations. According to the project's site, only a minor portion of the total universe of files of Law 24.411 could be verified nominally because a good part of the beneficiaries appear in non-published annexes of resolutions of the Ministry of Justice. Buenos Aires, April 14, 2026 - Total News Agency - TNA - The book “To the great Argentine fraud ¡Health!”, of the Gen. The curious thing, aside from the false history and scams committed, is that no government after Kirchnerism, as an organizer, wanted to investigate this complaint. The research is based, first, on a review of the three great state versions of the universe of denounced and victims: the original edition of CONADEP of 1984, with 8,960 complaints; the reedition of 2006, that reduced the total to 7,146 after deleting and incorporating records; and the RUVTE, the official current registry of the Ministry of Justice, that presents victims of the illegal repressive action of the Argentine State between 1966 and 1983 and functions also as a reference for procedures and reparator policies. On the reedition CONADEP 2006, the work affirms to have identified 3,191 “deductions” or irregularities, what would leave 3,955 disappearances “without detected irregularities”. The political message of Lucas Apa is as linear as it is forceful: the State pays with public funds, but it does not show in a complete way to whom it pays nor with what traceability. According to that reconstruction, 493 of those DNIs would still be active today within the RUVTE and at least 193 would have been used to collect indemnifications foreseen in Law 24.411, for an amount superior to the 31 million dollars in the cases effectively verified by the project. In the RUVTE, the projected calculation by the site throws 2,500 detected irregularities and 6,132 records without observations of that type. The project affirms that everything is open, downloadable, and reproducible, and that artificial intelligence allowed to do in months what for years demanded manual work.
