The political force 'Fuerza Patria', the tenth incarnation of Peronism, demonstrated its complete political nullity in the elections. In this way, it absolves itself of the shared vacancy of power with Alberto Fernández, when Minister Sergio Massa became a de facto president. The rule of political dynasties has disappeared from a capitalism in a historical regressive phase, replaced by abrupt and unexpected political changes. The author asserts, without offering any proof, that without the electoral split decided by Kicillof and the Buenos Aires Legislature, with a Peronist majority, the unification of the provincial and national elections, as she advocated at the time, would have changed things. According to polling firms, two out of three votes for the 'liberticide' lists were due to fear of financial and political chaos, not trust in the Government. This is what the entire national big business has been demanding, from which Peronism has been feeding for decades. As long as the working class and revolutionary socialists are not the ones to settle historical accounts with Peronism, bourgeois nationalism can be reborn from the ashes of Peronism, as has indeed happened – in Argentina, from radicalism to Peronism; in Venezuela, from Democratic Action to chavism; in Bolivia, from MNR to MAS. In this way, it absolves itself of the shared vacancy of power with Alberto Fernández, when Minister Sergio Massa became a de facto president. The author of the article is Jorge Altamira. The elections of last October had very special characteristics. If one accepts the reasoning that a change in the electoral mechanism could have avoided defeat, one must also accept that the financial explosion that followed (though did not begin) with the September results would have precipitated a default, without time for Scott Bessent, the Treasury Secretary, to intervene. It is necessary to carry out political preparation—through propaganda, agitation, organization, and struggle—so that the working class can seize political power from the exploiting class and its imperialist and anti-imperialist alternatives, in order to build the government of the workers and promote the Latin American and international socialist revolution. According to some polling firms, two out of three votes for the 'liberticide' lists were due to fear of financial and political chaos – not trust in the Government. This is what The Wall Street Journal has been demanding at least since last August. In this scenario, the publication of an inevitable post-election letter by Cristina Kirchner has been a flop. Cristina Kirchner, who has gone from a Menemist fanatic to the 'national and popular' label, presents a petty variant in her Letter. The victory of Fuerza Patria in September awakened the revanchism of the right-wing opposition, as manifested in greater electoral participation in October. Last week, the center-left took power from the aggressive far-right in the Netherlands; an activist against the genocide in Gaza swept the presidential elections in Ireland; tomorrow, a self-declared socialist will win the head of government in New York City, while Trump violates the federal rights of the Union states and prepares to bomb military installations in Venezuela. It is the task of activists to tell things as they are, to avoid the labyrinths of 'Cristinismo'. This marks the political retreat of the working class and the uselessness of the flirtation of the opportunist left with Peronism. Cristina Kirchner's letter puts into evidence the dimension of the political blindness of the signatory. The October 26 elections gave victory to a government that was going through a financial crisis and strong probabilities of a default. If one considers the entire right-wing bloc (as we did in the October 2017 elections that won Macrism, i.e., the Mendozaan Cornejo, Jaldo, Jalil, and friendly governors), the right has surpassed half of the votes, although not of the electoral roll (due to absenteeism), which leads to a national 30%. In Catamarca, for example, between the mayor Saadi and Jalil, or in Salta through the designation of Juan Manuel Urtubey – a chameleon who courted the Macri government. As for the pension reform, she has firmly adhered to the tax on wages, converted into a tax on income – the most progressive according to Alejandro Bercovich. There is still a new devaluation of the peso – now under the slogan of 'the liberation of the foreign exchange market' and 'a floating of the currency', with the purpose of 'accumulating reserves'. They gave victory, in the first place, to a government that was going through a financial crisis and strong probabilities of a default. Already on a more immediate plane, Kirchnerism did not face the political picture of financial speculation, nor did it present in Congress to declare the agreement with Bessent-Trump null – 'silence is health', as is read in hospitals. In the description of her exceptional electoral vision, CFK did not foresee that Urtubey would humiliate Kirchnerism by obtaining a less than modest 13% of the vote in Salta. The Buenos Aires list for the national parliamentary elections was assembled by the same CFK for her internal faction in Peronism, without space to incorporate candidates from the suburban barons. Fuerza Patria has been reduced, at best, to 25-28% of voters, and 15% of the electoral roll. With her head occupied by internal disputes and annoyance at Kicillof's victory in the provincial elections, the former president 'forgot' to present a program; she limited herself to a groan: 'let's put a brake on Milei'. Well counted, however, FP obtained less than 31%, because it includes the Tucuman list of Jaldo and the FP of Catamarca (Jalil and Corpacci), which are Peronist branches of the liberticides. In Santa Fe, another case, it forced Ciudad Futura (and Caren Tepp) to incorporate Agustín Rossi and his companions from the game of chance in Rosario. Neither Fuerza Patria, nor Peronism, nor CFK warned about this catastrophic outcome, nor offered a program to face it. But as Jorge Taiana, head of the FP list in the Province, said, the unification of the elections could have led to a defeat in both districts, the national and the provincial, with the consequent loss of the majority in the Legislature that resides in La Plata. The Letter also incurs a no minor fallacy, when it states that the official version of the count hides that FP votes throughout the country would have been 35% – not 31, considerably reducing LLA's advantage. All this, in definitive, is a right-wing and even far-right assembly. A publication yesterday by the Financial Times reveals a discussion in the US Treasury to promote dollarization. Jaldo and Jalil instructed the vote in favor of the decree, first, and then of the Bases Law, and in recent days they have been invited to the meeting with governors convened by Milei, from which the five Peronist governors were excluded. But if she had presented a program, it would have revealed the Kirchnerist support for the 'labor reform', for the 'pension reform', although with minor variants of its own. In addition to surpassing its rivals in number in the elections, LLA turned the result around in the province of Buenos Aires, where it had lost by 14 points in the split elections. 'Nothing has happened here,' she says, we have lost other intermediate elections, they will call us for the rescue (a sort of 'return of Perón'). Kirchnerism has been responsible for the phenomenal flattening downwards of pensions, and of the repression of independent struggle movements, such as in the industrial corridor of the Panamericana and the Unión Ferroviaria. The Letter puts into evidence the dimension of the political blindness of the signatory. In these strict terms, the so-called 'crisis of representation' is more valid than ever, and the same is true of the financial crisis, whose foundations have not been overcome, and the depression of industry. In these strict terms, the so-called 'crisis of representation' is more valid than ever, and the same is true of the financial crisis, whose foundations have not been overcome, and the depression of industry. Instead of describing episodes that mark a long decadence, she fantasizes about 'the eternal return'. Instead of describing episodes that mark a long decadence, she fantasizes about 'the eternal return'. Neither Fuerza Patria nor Peronism nor CFK warned about this catastrophic outcome, nor offered a program to face it. CFK was responsible for assembling an FP that would give it a national physiognomy, for which she promoted all sorts of shenanigans. If it is for this 'brilliant' objective, the defeat is politically complete. 'The fear of the 'kukas' has become a scarecrow for children.' The sentence against Peronism did not come from the left but from the right. The event produced a significant turn, such as the obtaining of a guarantee of a backing from the North American Treasury ('backstop') to the 'chainsaw' clique for an indefinite time.
