CGT Shifts Strategy: Response to Labor Reform Will Be Through Courts

The leadership of the General Confederation of Labor (CGT) acknowledged that the government's labor reform has a high chance of becoming law this Friday in the Senate, and decided to shift the axis of its response: without announcing a general strike or an organized march to Congress, the labor center activated what they internally describe as the "machine to block" through the judicial route. For the labor center, the battle does not end with the vote: a new stage begins, in the courts. The backdrop is a bill that has already reached the Senate after its approval in the Chamber of Deputies and promises to reconfigure hiring rules, termination costs, and margins of conflict. With the clock ticking, the officialism seeks to turn the session into a legislative milestone; and unionism, in any of its forms, prepares its counterattack. Although the CGT rejects the general spirit of the reform, the center celebrates having secured tweaks during prior negotiations in the Senate. In private, the reasoning is more direct: if the reform passes, the immediate goal will be to request its suspension or declaration of unconstitutionality, with a legal strategy aimed at shifting the debate from the political to the judicial realm. Outside the CGT umbrella, the United Front of Unions (FreSU) confirmed a mobilization for this Friday at 10 a.m. at the corner of Avenida de Mayo and Salta, with the intention of marching "as close to Congress as possible." The left, for its part, is preparing its own event at noon. Thus, the union map arrives on Friday fragmented: a CGT that chooses the legal route and a constellation of unions pushing for mobilization and direct action. The roadmap, defined in a summit of the inner circle, points to filing a lawsuit for unconstitutionality and accompanying it with a march next Monday to Plaza Lavalle, opposite the Palace of Justice, seat of the Supreme Court. The shift is not minor. "We are analyzing the strategy minute by minute," leaders involved in the meeting reported, where the prevailing idea was that if the officialism gathers the votes, a massive protest on Friday could end up being merely symbolic. The meeting was held at the headquarters of the Civil Servants' Union of the Nation (UPCN) on Moreno Street, with Andrés Rodríguez as host. While one sector of unions demanded "the streets" to pressure on the day of the debate in the Senate, the CGT triumvirate opted to dispute the terrain it considers more effective and less costly in terms of wear and tear: the judicial file. In public, Sola tried to downplay the plan with a phrase aimed at managing expectations: the mobilization "will be on Monday" and the demand will be "synchronized" with the evolution of employment and collective bargaining. In this space, state sector unions and sectors that believe that "before Friday" is actually a pretext for not creating tension on the streets this week converge. The bet is different: to judicialize the content of the norm as soon as it leaves the chamber, with lawsuits challenging sensitive articles related to acquired rights, the strike regime, and structural changes to the Labor Contract Law. The meeting took place at the headquarters of the Civil Servants' Union of the Nation (UPCN) on Moreno Street, with Andrés Rodríguez as host. While one sector of unions demanded "the streets" to pressure on the day of the debate in the Senate, the CGT triumvirate opted to dispute the terrain it considers more effective and less costly in terms of wear and tear: the judicial file. Buenos Aires, February 26, 2026 - Total News Agency - TNA - The leadership of the General Confederation of Labor (CGT) assumed that the government's labor reform has a high chance of becoming law this Friday in the Senate, and decided to change the axis of its response: without announcing a general strike or an organic mobilization to Congress, the labor center activated what in its own internal circles they describe as "the machine to prevent" through the judicial route. For the labor center, the battle does not end with the vote: a new stage begins, in the courts. The backdrop is a project that has already reached the Senate after its approval in Deputies and promises to reconfigure hiring rules, dismissal costs, and margins of conflict. With the clock running, the officialism attempts to turn the session into a legislative milestone; and unionism, in any of its versions, prepares its counter-attack. Although the CGT rejects the general spirit, the center celebrates having secured tweaks during prior negotiations in the Senate. In private, the reasoning is more direct: if the reform passes, the immediate objective will be to request its suspension or its declaration of unconstitutionality, with a legal argument that seeks to move the debate from the political to the judicial realm. Outside the CGT umbrella, the United Front of Unions (FreSU) confirmed a mobilization for this Friday at 10 a.m. at the corner of Avenida de Mayo and Salta, with the intention of marching "as close to Congress as possible." The left, for its part, is preparing its own event at noon. Thus, the union map arrives on Friday fragmented: a CGT that chooses the judicial file and a constellation of unions pushing for mobilization and direct action. The roadmap, defined in a summit of the inner circle, points to presenting a lawsuit for unconstitutionality and accompanying it with a march next Monday to Plaza Lavalle, opposite the Palace of Justice, seat of the Supreme Court. The shift is not minor. "We are analyzing the strategy minute by minute," leaders aware of the meeting reported, where the prevailing idea was that if the officialism gathers the votes, a massive protest on Friday could end up being merely symbolic. Participating were the three members of the triumvirate — Jorge Sola, Cristian Jerónimo, and Octavio Argüello — and a presence that did not go unnoticed inside: Hugo Moyano, a historical voice of unionism and a factor of weight in any high-voltage discussion. Among the changes that the reform exhibits as a "brake" on the original version, mention is made of the continuity for two years of union solidarity quotas and the elimination of the article that reduced employer contributions destined for social works, a point that the unions considered a direct threat to their health system. Also seated at the table was Gerardo Martínez, head of the Construction Workers' Union (UOCRA), who has been maintaining a dialogue with the Executive and had a role in the scheme of the May Council, the space where the "labor modernization" project was finally polished. The photo also left an eloquent absence: Abel Furlán, of the Metallurgical Workers' Union (UOM), a reference of the most confrontational wing within the CGT itself. The difference is the scenario: for the CGT leadership, the first strong round will be in the Courts. In that line, the State Workers' Association (ATE) anticipated a strike for the day, while social organizations such as the Popular Economy Workers' Union (UTEP) and the Workers' Pole also called for a protest in front of Parliament.